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“Reality is a fantasy-construction which enables us to mask the real of our desires.” (1) To organize this mask, the system takes place and develops the checkpoints. These checkpoints work as blocks to maintain reality. In this way reality in itself is a big block to its own borders, to unknown knowledge, to new. The organization as a form of the state is a representation of nothing but a centrality, a structure of power that only operates from the desire and interest of the power. Undoubtedly, the contradiction emerges, the barriers become an important phenomenon in the development of reality where all participate together. In this case, the appearance of the barriers shows the presence of the differences and voices of the proletariat and minority. This small barrier in its full potentiality becomes revolutions and produces the power to challenge the current belief system, that is why revolutions are an essential and timeless struggle for reality. Political, social, religious, philosophical, and technological revolutions have reinvented reality but not completely erased its centrality against its own borders. History shows the centrality shifts or moves from God to the king, king to the bourgeoisie, bourgeoisie to majority citizens, citizens to the ideology, ideology to capitalism (this shift may not be in chronology but shifts were definitely between them). But the structure remains the same that gives power to the operators to produce the real, operators can change (this change is temporary revolutions and they are significant) nevertheless the centrality is established and remains intact based on the organizing desires into the real. That is one reason capitalism is a system at its peak of fantasy construct, it established aesthetics and reduced the appearance of literal exploitation, impurity, wastes, and disgust to the borders of the reality. No reason we often consider civilization under capitalism remains better than any other civilization with its own problems (2). Also, it has witnessed a long history and revolutions that became a strategy to allow borders to perform the disagreement to the center, often making available the very ignored platforms of disagreement in certain limits. But the overall game is, revolutions can not erase the centrality but it makes us aware of where you stand in that reality.

This turn of the centrality into reality was ideological construction. The edge of reality not only becomes controlled labor and resources of the material but also feeds into recognition through the logic of binary and differences. The reason to have the borders of the center is essential for the reality construct because more than anything the center needs its own borders as resources of physical labor and importantly for ideological construct, making self-identity throw the making of others. Therefore making reality is also actively or inactively making its own limits, where minor and proletariat were situated. A more than a perfect ideological and material resource for the operator to develop the reality and exploit the minors and proletariat to benefit the center, these are the benefits we are living in, the true real of our desires. Plato and Brahmins have discovered this diagram of stability through the exploitation of the lower, no new ideas, no new design, and each group serves the top. Neoliberalism and caste-capitalism developed the power not specifically, vertical or horizontal but always changing its form or structures. It goes underground and hides when it is demanded and comes up on the opportunity and shows the specific networking between economy, religion, social acceptance, and totalitarianism. Today's power structures play voiceless characters and remain quiet but continuously make destructive policies. They perform spiritual yoga, meditation, and feed to the animals while shifting minor communities to refugee camps and provoke religious violence amongst Hindu and Muslims. This quietness is visible in the architecture of reality, the corners of the city, slums, and working-class areas are loud and full of voices and bourgeoisie centers are maintenance of silence, a peaceful environment, remain in their minds, less body movements and operate from working home. There are visible areas that have settled on the edges of the city, specifically Muslims and Dalits sharing the ends of the city shows the economical hold and exclusion of the architecture of the real desire.

“Turn in any direction you like, caste is the monster that crosses your path. You cannot have political reformation, you cannot have economic reformation, unless you kill this monster.” (5) India already has witnessed the unsolved solution for the caste system but the majority of India through Congress has never been able to move from the false consciousness of self-identification led by chaturvarna of the caste system. A prehistoric prejudice reality construction becomes a foundation of Hindu self-awareness, means to be self-aware is all about being aware of one's own caste and its principals (6), the pretext of exploitation of lower castes. This discomfort to annihilate the self-identity remains in the country that shows the clear beliefs in the caste system without untouchability but shows the importance of the caste system through honor killing, rapes, lynching, socially exclusion by touchable.

"With or without religion, good people can behave well and bad people can do evil; but for good people to do evil - that takes religion." (7) I do not mean that religion or transcendental laws are polluting Brahmin's current Hindutva. This will be the same as Adolf Eichmann's famous statement “I was obeying”. What caste is doing to us, is making a mindless body in some formation that renders brutality top to low or center to edges. “Caste has no feeling it is affiliated to other castes except when there is a Hindu-Muslim riot.” (8) This shows that caste has always reformed as a manipulator and corrupt the idea of solidarity. When Hindus have witnessed the enemy then it calls for brotherhood amongst all castes. A Hindutva proposition with nationalist agenda while making Muslim other. The other in the larger image has been exhibited as Pakistan. Bollywood films and corrupt media take a front place in this supply of the other. A continuous obsession with others that retroactively developed the self (9). Today the anti-national propaganda is nothing but a claim of high-caste principles to not have a voice or disagreement but only submission as bhakti.​

The movement of untouchables to unspeakables is an important political construct of the current center. Untouchability as the only ritual is largely abolished but untouchability turned into Unspeakability. It is a movement where India exists and remains the democratic country but only when a speech is not allowed. Those who raise the voice will surfer from the allegation of antinationalist and terrorists. This formula is capable enough to make a new political party in India or making this accusation of anti-nationalist to take personal revenge. Turning the practice of untouchability into unspeakable is the post-caste establishment, the way Brahmin to Hindutva shifts. There are a number of individuals, social workers, writers, and activists who are in the prison. Using this strategic accusation of nationalism to practice unspeakability is in the high pick of India. “One language, one nation, one God and religion, echoing Nazi Germany’s informous ‘ein Volk, ein Reich, ein Fuhere”(10) with multiple castes. This adaptation of modernity coming from the Nazi roots shows the caste system was not even able to make totalitarian thinking out of Hindu society because it can not operate out of Hindu structures. What Hindu society developed is Muslims to legitimize their brutal cultural practice into nationalism. Because the caste system was never able to make solidarity or simply unity out of the caste system. Nevertheless, this modification was of course an attempt to mental utopian assembly among the high castes for a greater polluted oneness among Hindus. This is called Bhakt, a new caste that sums up privileged castes in India. In postcolonial times the caste system also took post through the appearance of the new caste Bhakts. low GDP, uncountable deaths of COVID patients, nonemployment, lack of government education systems, poor medical all are acceptable including the self-exploitation but bhakti needs to be done. Pure bhakt can exploit itself to serve the father, absolute failure to the Bhakti Movement. What is a monster then which needs to be killed? The answer is in the development of the Bhakti and its practices, a belief system which does not necessarily operate on the truth or lie but only on the appearance of one's performativity, the ritual of it, the visual appearance where rhetoric works, almost the long-lasting trip or high of some drugs as a belief. “Even adorno come to this conclusion, starting from the premiss that ideology is, strictly speaking, only a system which makes a claim to the truth, that is, which is not simply a lie but experienced as truth, a lie which pretends to be taken seriously” (11). This complete loss of thinking and submission to the God-like figure is not new. This performance of god, truth, and ethics we do have seen in our history books, television, everyday festivals through M. K. Gandhi's image. The symbol of the nation is the formation of the superego. Many decolonial find their way to go back to truth through Gandhian decoloniality, indigenous routes to block or criticize modernity. Modi's acting is nothing but an attempt to act like Gandhi but on color television and the internet. A perfect lie which people expect to hear. A postcolonial formula of Gandhian methodology with freemarket and global exchange and most importantly removing the minorities and hurting the proletariat in the country while becoming secularguru. All this is the substructure of truth launched by Gandhi's performativity but the superstructure originated from Bhagavad Gita and Mahabharta. God Arjun, mentored by political and charming God Krishna initiated the war against Brother and the other part is mostly consumed by India's centrality, God Ram showcases masculinity not able to maintain it and verified by women God Sita through the ritual practice of Sati.

The psychoanalytic construction of one God on other Gods is an image that India still continues to practice into political leaders. This may be understood in Freudian analysis, India's power structures will be a paternal superego where Brahmans now Hindutva functions through Gandhi's methodology and Id remains active, energetic yet unheard voice, underground, minor, proletariat. The superego and Id are deeply connected and aim to transpose. Nevertheless, the superego is not an ethical entity, it's a desire that operates through the orders which one can not fulfill. The more you obey the more you become guilty. The guilt never confirms itself, you are aware of it because it is happening to you. The way the government is dealing with all the policies, increasing expenses, unemployment, and privatizations of large sectors yet you can not resist it. One always finds the answers to legitimize these crimes, corruptions, and religious brutality and feels the continuous guilt yet is not able to accept, either one transpose into the Id where unsatisfied desire is waiting to struggle with an inexplicit voice to let out (12). This guilt does not need Freudian analysis. I think it's evident for the larger population of India, specifically those who chose the current government. It is the same history repeating, again and again, an attempt without the attempt, caste without untouchability, democracy without speech, one nation with multiple castes.

Interestingly, you will not see Gandhi's images on protest sites, a man who fought many fights and commands as the Mahatma has less space in contemporary political reformation. There is a new image emerging, not a father but as a hero, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. “If you ask me, my ideal would be a society based on Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. And why not ? What objection can there be to Fraternity ? I cannot imagine any. An ideal society should be mobile, should be full of channels for conveying a change taking place in one part to other parts. In an ideal society there should be many interests consciously communicated and shared. There should be varied and free points of contact with other modes of association. In other words there must be social endosmosis. This is fraternity, which is only another name for democracy. Democracy is not merely a form of Government. It is primarily a mode of associated living, of conjoint communicated experience. It is essentially an attitude of respect and reverence towards fellowmen…” (13) The understanding of Ambedkar's reality is different. It does not stand on barriers, on the contrary, he opens reality to keep changing, ready to communicate. His philosophy not holding on to the time but to be open and encounter the change, taking place one by one. Which is a completely new thought of line to understand the post/de colonial project or rather ignored by the subaltern studies group (SSG). Not considering the term Dalit coined by social reformer Jotiba Phule defines the broken, lack of power, exclusion, and oppression or joining these two thoughts of subalterns and Dalits to actually talk about the excluded in India. This shows the preference as conferred of SSG which reminds me of Jat-Pat Todak Mandal's approach to the caste system. This kind of impotent reformation using modernity to develop de/post-coloniality remains in the philosophizing past power and recovery of it. What we call the roots as the definition of identity and lineage is a completely confused rather misleading idea, an ideological resource for the totalitarian regimes. There is nothing in the back, If you ask Dalit let's find out our true identity they will roll their eye on you. Dalits' true identity in pre-colonial India was unimaginable hence the answer is not in the back. There is a unique chance coloniality offers to create a distance from the ancient past and caste system. Past will never hold us in better condition, hence the future has already been catastrophic, things need to draw from a critical negation and adaptation. Ambedkar's refusal to the caste and rebirth through Navayana (14) was a decoloniality as well as modernity that can not be understood by Gandhian Hinduism and subaltern scholars. Ambedkarites do not necessarily stand on the hope of the roots and indigenous quality but open up the collectives into a new possibility, a complete unidentified conscious flux with the future. Where dissent is the only way out from the past and holds a position to know more, formation is articulated, “educate, agitate, organize.”

Today, we rigorously see the imagery coming from the dissent, protest, resistance practice, it is the voice that has been echoing through the history of oppression to our contemporary political problems. Overcoming different barriers there for barriers becomes something that speaks more with us on an ideological level. Which developed us into the part of reality and be conscious participants in complications of the centrality. The block becomes an entry point to question the center where the center demonstrated ideology into the material as the invention of barricades. “The urban barricades as the embodiment of war-design-history and their contemporary normal appearance at very public. the specificity of the form and the material which allows for destructive potentiality. the symbolic violence and the actual intervening impact. Security and safety on the one hand and feeding fear and terror on the other hand, are mechanics which force the social to imagine, enact and repeat the catastrophe. ” (15) The portable barricade is always located on protest sites and becomes a crucial point where both sides of ideology meet in all their energy to defeat each other. A perfect object that manifests the ideology of different realities. Provoke thinking, becoming conjunction between two groups, a complex object which is a symptom of the ideology of protecting while making harm to others. The conjunction loses its balance and becomes a harm to other groups and protection to another. The barricade as an object and its physicality has been continuously performing profoundly in various parts of the world. India, Beirut, Hong Kong are the countries that showed the largest participation in the rising protest map of the world (16).

When the BJP government announced The Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and National Register of Citizens (NRC) in 2019 India. Protests took place in different parts of the country, barricades were activated to show the limits of citizenship and the limits of the democratic vision. In 2020 Farmer protest took a step ahead to march towards the capital of India against the three farm acts. These two significant protests reinvented a means of barricades, CAA/NRC protest was located themself in one place and created sites of resistance and on another hand, the Farmer protest is mobile or kinetic while continuously disagreeing with the government pointless negotiation and moving ahead. One is where the government has reached and brutally interrupted the site of the protest and another is where the government does not allow the protest to reach close to its destination. Both attempts by the BJP government trying to block the continuity of these protests retroactively create new forms of barricades.

These barricades are not strong or made of concrete and steel but they are fragile and lucid. The barricade involves freedom yet confirms what the world can not do with it. The new barriers change the meaning of blocking and morph it into openness. These barricades unfold as Body, inserted in the practice of dissent. They do not want power on the other side it opens, shares, and questions reality. Dharna, Ghero, Bandh are the collective forms of protest, the historical practice of resistance exhibited through the Body where they stand with each other and sing, eat, sleep and rest but keep the disagreement continuing to the center.

In this demonstration, the Body behaves as a barricade and does not necessarily take place on specific events and stages. This Body creates dissent from the voice of the edges of reality. It is produced in an ephemeral quality growing into an enduring mental presence. This presence creates a communal consciousness which is a rare practice as compared to many other practices. The important outcome is the communal consciousness that does not have any other way to workout. The Body of the dissent is acknowledged in current art practices or resistance practices considered as art practices in contemporary art of India. This shows the relationship between dissent and art was established since development of the reality was taking place, they both penetrated the epistemology of centrality. This also reminds the exclusion of Dalits in Brahmin society and the exclusion of artists in Plato's republic. Nevertheless, the urgent question for these Bodies of dissent is not decoloniality or postcoloniality and even modernity as they often have a bad impact of the identity trap. But the urgency is recruitment of foundational citizens rights, water, food, health, and shelter. These essential problems are the key to the development of the center, creating a dependency leads to deaths as well as power. On other hand, the state can produce large financial projects but are not able to work on the foundation. The reason is on the front, edges are the only resources not a participant of the reality. Again, the dissent comes with urgency and does not remain unspeakable, untouchables, and unthinkable.

Dissents are also an experiment of thoughts and our relations with thoughts through the making of reality. Therefore, dissent needs to be laid out which requires the art and ability to lose comfort and privileges. It is the timeless struggle of humans. Therefore the need to annihilate the belief systems which developed the identity or simply groups within us is important. I am not suggesting atheism or secularism ideas; these are constructions of the post-belief system. What we need is a completely ignored idea and accept the lack of special identity within us as humans and a mess of the culture. Religion may be a good ideological resource for the majority of people but those who believe already have chances for greater danger or becoming it. We need to encounter deep down in our existentialism our desperate want for meaning and accept that there is not a big meaning within us that can lead us as humans to some specialty. We are just the entity that accidentally activates in the void of the universe and struggles with our own presence.

Budha understood these struggles and performed the dissent to each and every belief of his life made him a practitioner of negation. A master who deconstructs caste, class, gender, language, culture, geographies and accepts the loss (while the practice of negation). This negation may sound spiritual, maybe it is, but it's nothing to do with purity and internal satisfaction, and peace (these are more violent acts). But its practice of discomfort, not a satisfying image that we are celebrating in the name of spirituality. Dissent is not only a thing full of difficulty and danger but it is also a space for continued questioning and practice of communal consciousness. Therefore the dissent always manifests into the Body that welcomes others and elaborates on rights and discomfort in the reality. Ambedkar walked us into all parts of reality, the edges, center, and gaps. And deconstruct and construct them into citizens of each other, develop a togetherness. Establish Budha while also constructing a constitutional understanding of self rights. The image which Ambedkar provided directs us to new but not only remains in utopian news as good but provides resistance to the old, the ends of reality developing the dissent into their Bodies undoing the untouchability to unspeakability and developing the communal associated living. The center and edges not only remain the dark binary but bridge the differences and create a primary mode of associated living.

1. The Sublime Object of Ideology - Zizek

2. Capitalist Realism - Mark Fisher

3. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar (Civilized society undoubtedly needs division of labour. But in no civilized society is division of labour accompanied by this unnatural division of labourers into water-tight compartments. Caste System is not merely a division of labourers which is quite different from division of labour—it is an heirarchy in which the divisions of labourers are graded one above the other. In no other country is the division of labour accompanied by this gradation of labourers. There is also a third point of criticism against this view of the Caste System.)

4. Republic of Caste: Thinking Equality in the Time of Neoliberal Hindutva - Anand Teltumbde (Cleanliness does have its economic side, but it is largely a function of culture. The caste system, that relegates the job of cleaning to people of a particular caste and further associates cleaning with lowliness.)

5. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar

6. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar (Hindu society as such does not exist. It is only a collection of castes. Each caste is conscious of its existence. Its survival is the be all and end all of its existence... On all other occasions each caste endeavours to segregate itself and to distinguish itself from other castes. Each caste not only dines among itself and marries among itself but each caste prescribes its own distinctive dress.)

7. Steven Weinberg

8. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar

9. Republic of Caste: Thinking Equality in the Time of Neoliberal Hindutva - Anand Teltumbde

10. The Sublime Object of Ideology - Zizek

11. The Pervert's Guide to Cinema - Documentary

12. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar

13. Annihilation of Caste - B. R. Ambedkar

14. I was born a Hindu but I shall not die a Hindu - B. R. Ambedkar

15. Now Is No Time At All - Aria Farajnezhad Now Is No Time At All, July 2019 – Aria Farajnezhad

16. Mapping major protests around the world | Infographic News | Al Jazeera 

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